INTRODUCTION
Environmental context
Drylands
are
ecosystems
characterized
by
a
lack
of
water
spatially
and
temporally.
They
include
cultivated
lands,
scrublands,
grasslands,
savannahs,
semi--deserts
and
true
deserts.
In
these
landscapes,
water
scarcity
limits
production
of
crops,
forage,
and
wood
and
other
ecosystem
services.
The
Sahel
has
been
identified
as
one
of
the
areas
most
vulnerable
to
increased
drought
in
a
warming
climate.
While
rains
have
been
relatively
good
in
recent
years
(except
2004),
the
long--term
projections
point
to
longer
and
more
frequent
droughts
across
the
region
as
global
temperatures
rise
(IPCC, 2007; 2008).
This
case
study1
examines
adaptation
measures
implemented
in
the
West
African
Sahel
region
with
a
focus
on
South
Niger
and
the
Central
Plateau
of
Burkin
Faso
since
the
1980s.
The
inhabitants
of
these
regions
are
farmers,
essentially
living
from
production
of
millet
and
sorghum
as
well
as
livestock.
The
adaptation
strategies
featured
in
this
study
increase
resilience
to
climate
change
impacts
in
drylands
ecosystems,
which
are
increasingly
vulnerable
to
droughts,
irregular
rainfall
and
soil
erosion.
In
drylands,
farmers
depending
on
the
soil
are
very
vulnerable
as
well.
The
rural
communities
managed
to
increase
their
resilience
by
restoring
their
soil
leading
to
better
cereal
yields
as
well
as
new
alternative
livelihoods
to
agriculture.
To
attain
these
goals,
they
pursued
three
types
of
activities:
farmer--managed
natural
regeneration,
improved
planting
pits
and
contour
stone
bunds.
In
the
absence
of
effective
natural
resource
management
approaches
in
the
Sahel
region,
there
is
an
increased
threat
that
future
famines
could
match
the
devastating
scale
of
those
of
the
1970s;
this
absence
could
also
accelerate
desertification
of
fragile
lands
in
the
Sahel.
Yet
development
experts
and
intermediary
organizations
are
hoping
that
region-wide
expansion
of
farmer-managed
|
KEY DEFINITION
Farmer-Managed Natural Regeneration (FMNR) involves supporting the regeneration of trees and their sustainable
management to produce sustainable supplies of fuelwood as well as non-timber products such as edible seeds and leaves.
Natural regeneration of woody species can occur where the top soil contains a stock of seeds or where it has an underground
root system. Similarly, it is also possible where livestock manure and bird droppings contain seeds that easily germinate.
FMNR has been implemented over an area of 5 million ha in some densely populated parts of Niger. In Burkina Faso, the
emphasis has been on water conservation through rehabilitation of barren crusted land using contour bunds and improved
planting pits. These simple techniques have increased the volume of water available to crops while farmers who have
invested in them have also achieved improved soil fertility management.
|
natural
regeneration
(FMNR)
and
other
land
management
programmes
will
help
the
region
increase
its
resilience
in
the
face
of
a
changing
climate
(WRI,
2008).
In
the
30
years
since
farmers
and
non-governmental-organizations'
practitioners
have
begun
land
rehabilitation
with
improved
soil
and
water
conservation
techniques,
evaluations
have
been
regularly
conducted.
Indeed,
NGOs
and
IOs
still
advocate
such
measures
in
dryland
ecosystems
today.
Vulnerability
The
Sahel
has
been
plagued
by
droughts
throughout
the
20th
century
and
before.
The
1982–84
drought
was
followed
by
persistent
dryness
which
lasted
until
1993.
Although
more
rain
fell
during
the
decade
from
1994
to
2003,
conditions
remained
far
drier
than
the
period
from
1930
to
1965
(Anyamba
and
Tucker,
2005).
The
impacts
of
these
changes
in
the
climate
have
been
very
severe.
The
1968–73
drought,
in
particular,
resulted
in
numerous
deaths.
The
result
was
an
acute
human
and
environmental
crisis
(Reij,
Tappan
and
Smale,
2009).
Average
sorghum
and
millet
yields
decreased.
As
a
result,
a
majority
of
farming
households
had
annual
food
deficits
of
50
percent
or
more
(Broekhuyse,
1983).
Meanwhile,
the
barren
land
surface
area
on
the
Central
Plateau
of
Burkina
Faso
continued
to
expand.
The
loss
of
trees
and
soil
degradation
which
increased
the
local
population's
vulnerability
to
drought
was
induced
by
a
complex
scheme
of
historical
and
socio--economic
factors.
The
mean
population
growth
in
the
case
study
areas
has
increased
since
the
beginning
of
the
20th
Century.
More
specifically,
the
demographic
pressure
on
the
land
has
greatly
increased
since
the
1960's.
This
population
growth,
combined
to
other
factors
such
as
the
decentralization
of
the
traditional
labor
units2
(less
people
per
unit
leading
to
less
efficiency
as
well
as
increased
space
utilization
for
agriculture)
and
a
trend
to
cereal
quasi
monoculture
since
the
1970's3
led
to
a
situation
where
extensive
agriculture
combined
with
deforestation.
Increased
use
of
space
resulted
in
a
diminition
of
fallow
time
(then
abandonment
of
the
practice),
of
manure
per
surface
(volume
of
cattle
remained
the
same),
both
leading
to
soil
degradation
and
erosion4
(Marchal,
1985).
Useful
tree
species
were
lost
and
little
natural
regeneration
occurred.
In
the
Maradi
region
of
Niger,
the
landscape
was
denuded
and
exposed
to
severe
wind
erosion.
The
agro--environment
and
the
people
it
sustained
were
increasingly
vulnerable
to
drought
(Raynaut, 1987; 1997).
The
widespread
migration
of
men
in
search
of
labour
caused
social
disruption
(Monimart,
1989).
Between
1975
and
1985,
some
villages
lost
as
many
as
25
percent
of
their
families,
who
migrated
to
the
Ivory
Coast
and
to
areas
of
higher
rainfall
in
Burkina
Faso.
In
the
early
1980s,
groundwater
levels
in
the
Central
Plateau
dropped
an
estimated
50–100
centimetres
(cm)
per
year
(Reij,
1983).
Many
wells
and
boreholes
dried
up
immediately
after
the
end
of
the
rainy
season
and
had
to
be
deepened.
Stakeholders and access rights to natural resources
Stakeholders
Local:
The
practices
featured
in
this
case
study
are
prinicpally
community
driven.
Farmers
are
the
primary
stakeholders
involved
in
implementation
of
FMNR,
Zai
(planting
pits)
and
contour
stone
bunds.
In
part
because
these
innovations
often
require
collective
action
for
wide
implementation,
farmer
groups
and
village
associations
play
an
important
role.
In
the
past,
promotion
of
these
measures
was
often
done
by
charismatic
individuals
(Haggblade
and
Hazel,
2009)
rather
than
being
based
on
the
efficiency
of
the
measures.
National:
Government
policy
and
supporting
public
investment
have
also
been
important.
The
strong
push
by
the
Burkinabé
government
from
the
mid--1980s
to
increase
awareness
of
environmental
problems
and
their
solutions
proved
very
useful
as
an
incentive
(Reij
and
Steeds,
2003).
Infrastructure
investments
reduced
transport
costs
and
supported
commercialization
of
farm
and
tree
products
(Reij,
Tappan
and
Belemvire,
2005;
Reij
and
Smaling,
2007).
International:
Since
the
mid
1980s,
all
major
donors
and
projects
in
Burkina
Faso
have
promoted
contour
stone
bunds
or
Zai
or
both
(e.g.
Dutch
and
German
funding,
IFAD
and
World
Bank
projects,
etc.).
At
the
request
of
the
Burkina
Faso
government,
many
NGOs
have
intervened
in
the
northern
part
of
the
Central
Plateau,
one
of
the
poorest
and
most
degraded
regions
of
the
country
(Reij,
Tappan
and
Belemvire,
2005).
In
Niger,
the
widespread
adoption
of
FMNR
was
similarly
facilitated
by
the
governments
and
NGOs
(WRI,
2008).
Natural resources regulations
In
order
to
promote
sound
ecosystem
management
practices
it
is
important
to
understand
the
land
regulation
system.
Until
the
1970's
in
Niger,
French
colonial
rules
on
access
to
land
and
trees
were
maintained.
All
natural
resources
including
trees
were
State
property.
After
decolonization,
new
forestry
rules
and
measures
were
imposed
and
strictly
applied
by
the
State
without
consulting
the
local
population.
This
has
regime
generated
frustration
amongst
the
population
leading
to
illegal
collection
and
refusal
to
apply
conservation
measures.
Added
to
the
recurrent
droughts
between
1970
and
1984
and
existing
human
pressures,
Niger
had
to
consider
a
new
environmental
policy.
With
the
Commitment
of
Maradi
in
1984
an
new
era
of
environmental
mangement
began,
centered
on
stronger
conservation
policy
and
population
involvement.
However,
the
State
soon
realized
that
incentives
to
preserve
the
trees
were
not
strong
enough
if
trees
were
still
Sate
property.
Consequently,
in
20045,
a
new
forest
regime
was
implemented
and
today,
private
ownership
of
trees
is
a
right.
ADAPTATION STRATEGY N°1: INCREASE POPULATIONS' RESILIENCE TO DROUGHTS BY IMPROVING SOIL MANAGEMENT FOR AGRICULTURE
I. Farmer-Managed Natural Regeneration (FMNR) in Niger (WRI, 2008)
The
concept
is
very
simple.
Generally,
natural
regeneration
andseedlings
continue
to
grow
even
in
degraded
soils,
however,
they
are
either
collected
for
firewood
or
chewed
by
livestock.
Young
tree
saplings
need
protection
for
two
to
three
years.
Farmer--managed
natural
regeneration
is
a
simple
technique
that
can
be
implemented
by
all
farmers
to
protect
the
small
sprouts
so
that
they
can
contribute
to
soil
regeneration
while
at
the
same
time
yielding
other
benefits.
The
first
stage
in
FMNR
involves
selective
land
clearance
for
crop
planting.
In
the
past,
farmers
would
clear
the
land
completely
and
remove
all
tree
stumps
and
roots.
With
FMNR,
farmers
select
those
tree
stumps
with
sprouts
–
or
the
sprouts
themselves,
depending
on
the
values
of
the
species
for
food
(nutritious
fruits
and
leaves),
fuel,
or
fodder.
The
farmers
then
select
the
tallest
and
straightest
stems
on
each
stump
which
they
then
prune
and
protect.
They
remove
all
unwanted
stems
and
side
branches.
Tree
species
that
regenerate
include
those
stumps
or
roots
which
are
robust
enough
to
sprout
in
degraded
soil;
seeds
of
trees
and
bushes
in
the
'seed
memory'
of
the
soil
(seeds
that
remain
dormant
until
rainfall
or
another
event
allows
them
to
grow);
or
seeds
found
in
livestock
manure
and
bird
droppings.
II. Improved planting pits (Zai)
In
1980,
several
farmers
close
to
Ouahigouya,
the
capital
of
Yatenga
Province
in
the
Northern
region
of
Burkina
Faso,
began
'innovating
out
of
despair'.
They
began
to
experiment
with
planting
pits
(also
known
as
Zai),
a
technique
used
for
many
years
by
farmers
elsewhere
in
the
Sahel
(Reij,
Tappan
and
Belemvire,
2005).
Planting
pits
or
Zai
consist
of
pits
dug
into
the
surface
of
the
soil.
These
are
filled
with
moisture
and
nutrients
and
then
used
for
planting.
As
part
of
their
experimentation,
farmers
began
by
digging
pits.
Then
they
increased
the
depth
and
diameter
of
the
pits,
before
concentrating
nutrients
and
moisture
in
them.
As
part
of
efforts
to
reclaim
severely
degraded
farmland
that
was
otherwise
impermeable
to
water,
the
farmers
dug
a
grid
of
planting
pits
across
their
rock--hard
plots
and
then
added
organic
matter
to
the
bottom
of
the
pits
(Ouedraogo
and
Sawadogo,
2001;
Kaboré
and
Reij,
2004).
Planting
pits
improve
soil
fertility
in
several
ways:
(i)
They
capture
windblown
soil
and
organic
matter.
(ii)
The
compost
attracts
termites,
which
dig
channels
that
enhance
soil
architecture,
water
infiltration,
and
retention.
By
digesting
the
organic
matter,
the
termites
make
nutrients
more
easily
available
to
the
plant
roots
(Ouedraogo
and
Sawadogo,
2001).
Manure
(for
nitrogen)
and
urea
may
be
added,
along
with
mineral
fertilizer
to
palliate
for
the
low
phosphorus
and
potassium
content
of
these
soils.
Less
obvious
advantages
of
planting
pits
also
exist
(Kaboré
and
Reij,
2004):
(i)
Rehabilitating
land
enables
farmers
to
expand
their
farms
into
previously
uncultivated
areas.
Without
land
rehabilitation
crop
yields
are
0
kg/ha.
With
rehabilitation,
cereal
(millet
plus
sorgho)
yields
can
reach
300–400
kg/ha
in
a
low
rainfall
year,
'easily'
rising
to
1,500
kg/ha
in
a
good
year.
The
water
which
is
retained
in
the
pits
enables
plants
to
survive
long
dry
spells
or
dry
spells
which
follow
the
first
rains
when
many
plants
die
or
fail
to
germinate
on
other
plots.
Because
more
water
is
harvested
and
conserved
and
organic
matter
is
used
in
the
pits,
this
helps
enhance
the
performance
of
mineral
fertilizer
thereby
increasing
yields
and
biomass
production.
(ii) Concentrating
manure
and
mineral
fertilizers
in
the
pits
can
also
be
cost--effective.
In
the
first
few
years,
fields
rehabilitated
using
planting
pits
are
less
vulnerable
to
infestation
by
Striga
hermontheca
(indigenous
parasitic
plant)
and
other
weeds,
thereby
reducing
the
amount
of
labour
required
for
weeding
relative
to
other
fields.
Since
the
land
is
prepared
during
the
dry
season,
farmers
do
not
need
to
wait
until
the
rains
arrive
to
plough
their
land.
Planting
pits
can
be
used
to
increase
cereal
production,
grow
trees
and
produce
tree
products.
Trees
and
shrubs
start
to
grow
spontaneously
from
the
seeds
in
the
manure
and
compost
placed
in
the
pits;
farmers
protect
these
in
order
to
develop
new
agroforestry
systems
on
their
farms.
Some
farmers
even
sow
the
seeds
of
those
tree
species
they
would
like
to
have
in
their
fields.
This
is
an
example
of
Zais
being
used
for
reforestation.
III. Contour stone bunds
Contour
stone
bunding
uses
stones
laid
out
along
the
contours
of
the
land
to
reduce
rainwater
runoff
and
encourage
infiltration
of
water
into
the
land.
The
stones
are
typically
laid
out
in
long
lines
with
a
base
of
35--40
cm
reaching
a
height
of
about
25
cm.
In
the
past,
the
efficiency
of
traditional
stone
lines
was
limited
principally
because
the
contours
were
not
accurately
measured
and
other
elements
such
as
stone
placement
and
line
spacing
were
sub--optimal.
Farmers
sometimes
started
down
slope
rather
than
starting
at
higher
points
in
the
catchment
area
and
working
down
slope.
To
remedy
this,
a
simple
technique
was
developed
using
a
simple
hosepipe
water
level
which
farmers
could
use
to
identify
the
contour
lines
and
hence
where
to
place
the
stones.
The
cost
of
a
water
tube
level
is
about
US$6.
It
is
simple
to
use
–
even
for
farmers
with
no
reading
and
literacy
skills
–
and
can
be
mastered
in
a
day
or
two
to
ensure
correct
alignment
of
the
stones
along
the
correct
contours
(Wright,
1985).
Stone
bunds
were
first
pioneered
at
the
end
of
the
1970s.
After
an
initial
testing
period
from
1979–82,
the
traditional
technique
was
improved
by
placing
the
stone
lines
along
the
contours
of
the
land.
It
is
a
technique
that
is
still
widely
used
today.
It
allows
runoff
to
spread
evenly
through
the
field
and
trickle
through
the
small
gaps
between
the
stones,
trapping
sediments
and
organic
matter
from
the
catchment
area,
including
eroded
soil,
bits
of
dead
plants,
and
manure
behind
the
bunds,
which
improves
the
soil.
Before
the
introduction
of
contour
stone
bunds,
much
of
the
manure
applied
by
farmers
washed
away
during
the
first
rains;
stone
contour
lines
help
retain
it
on
fields.
ADAPTATION STRATEGY N° 2: IMPROVE FOOD SECURITY AND CREATE ADDITIONAL BENEFITS FOR THE COMMUNITIES
Firewood
The
most
immediate
benefit
accruing
to
families
practicing
FMNR
is
the
availability
of
fuelwood
from
pruned
tree
branches.
Starting
from
the
first
year
of
implementation,
communities
are
able
to
harvest
light
firewood;
as
of
the
second
year
they
are
able
to
harvest
sufficient
numbers
of
branches
to
sell
in
local
markets
for
much--needed
extra
income
(Rinaudo,
2005).
Studies
indicate
that
in
100
Maradi
villages
alone,
about
US$600,000
worth
of
wood
was
sold
between
1985
and
1997
(SIM
1999,
as
cited
by
Rinaudo
2005).
And
survey
results
from
across
villages
with
land
rehabilitation
projects
demonstrate
that
residents
perceive
a
marked
decrease
in
poverty
around
them
as
a
result
of
the
projects
(Abdoulaye
and
Ibro,
2006).
Improved soil quality
Livestock
and
birds
attracted
to
tree
shade
and
branches
leave
droppings
that
fertilize
the
soil
(Rinaudo
in
WRI,
2008).
Moreover,
the
growing
season
on
land
populated
by
trees
is
longer
because
farmers
only
have
to
sow
once,
compared
with
twice
or
more
on
fields
that
enjoy
no
protection
from
the
elements
(Rinaudo,
2005;
Reij
in
WRI,
2008).
Such
benefits
are
magnified
when
farmers
act
collectively,
as
villages
in
Maradi
and
Zinder
regions
have
discovered.
According
to
400
farmers
interviewed
(Larwanou,
Abdoulaye
and
Reij,
2006),
trees
generate
multiple
benefits.
First,
they
reduce
wind
speed
and
evaporation.
In
the
1980s,
crops
had
to
be
replanted
three
or
four
times
because
they
were
covered
by
wind--blown
sand;
today
farmers
typically
only
plant
once.
Similarly,
not
only
does
the
vegetation
act
as
a
windbreak,
it
also
promotes
water
infiltration
and
soil
retention
(Winterbottom
in
WRI,
2008).
Tree
litter
increases
the
organic
matter
content
of
the
soil.
Termites
digest
the
litter
and
the
network
of
holes
they
dig
increases
the
absorption
of
rainfall.
Nitrogen--fixing
species
like
Faidherbia
albida
enhance
soil
fertility,
although
farmers
do
not
observe
these
effects
with
very
young
trees.
Use
of
water
harvesting
techniques,
like
Zai
and
contour
stone
bunds,
have
resulted
in
increases
in
sorghum
yields
of
between
20
and
85
percent
and
in
millet
yields
of
between
15
and
50
percent
in
those
villages
where
they
have
been
implemented
(Amoukou,
2006).
Other
studies
suggest
that
millet
yields
have
even
consistently
doubled
in
some
FMNR--practicing
communities
(Tougiani
et
al.,
2008).
This
growth
has
enabled
households
both
to
store
more
food
to
protect
against
the
threat
of
shortages
in
the
dry
season
and,
occasionally,
to
sell
surplus
crops
in
local
markets
or
for
export
to
neighbouring
Nigeria
(Reij,
2006).
Non timber products
Trees
have
also
yielded
direct
non--timber
benefits
in
the
form
of
fodder
for
livestock
and
edible
leaves
and
seedpods
that
can
be
stored
for
times
of
less
abundant
harvest
(Rinaudo,
2005).
The
trees
of
the
Parkland
system
of
West
Africa
produce
at
least
a
six--
month
supply
of
fodder
for
on--farm
livestock.
In
addition,
they
also
provide
firewood,
fruit
and
medicinal
products
for
home
consumption
or
cash
sales.
Some
villagers
in
the
Aguié
district
of
Maradi,
for
example,
harvest
the
leaves
of
a
common
scrubland
tree,
Maerua
crassifolia,
which
are
rich
in
vitamin
A
(Reij,
2008).
One
baobab
tree
(Adansonia)
can
bring
in
an
average
of
US$20
a
year
in
economic
benefits
just
from
the
sale
of
its
edible
leaves
(Larwanou
et
al.
2006).
Some
farms
have
an
average
of
50
baobab
trees
per
ha.
That
can
amount
to
US$1,000
per
ha
a
year—nearly
three
times
the
total
annual
income
of
much
of
the
population
(calculation
based
on
Larwanou
et
al.
2006;
Winterbottom
2007).
Maradi--based
farmers
have
also
used
the
proceeds
of
FMNR
to
develop
new
income--generating
activities,
such
as
beekeeping
(Burns
in
WRI,
2008).
Marginalized people
The
re--greening
movement
has
introduced
especially
important
benefits
for
some
of
the
poorest
members
of
Nigerian
society—
women
and
in
particular
(Larwanou
et
al.,
2006).
Indeed,
the
burden
on
women
associated
with
gathering
of
wood
for
household
fuel
has
been
substantially
reduced
(Boubacar
et
al.,
2005).
Furthermore,
there
is
a
strong
case
for
arguing
that
while
traditionally
excluded
from
resource
management
decisions
(despite
being
skilled
in
farming
and
animal
husbandry),
women
have
actually
gained
greater
benefits
from
FMNR
than
their
male
counterparts
(Tougiani
et
al.,
2008).
Achieving
the
best
results
from
re--vegetation
not
only
requires
sound
tree
management
(annual
pruning),
but
also
requires
ongoing
protection
of
trees
against
illegal
wood
cutting.
As
most
men
still
migrate
to
urban
centres
throughout
West
Africa
during
the
dry
season
in
search
of
paid
employment,
increasingly
the
important
task
of
tree
husbandry
falls
to
women
(Wentling,
2008).
Tree
products
are
usually
sold
by
young
men
(fuel,
poles)
and
women
(leaves,
fruits)
in
local
markets.
Larwanou
and
Adam
(2008)
recorded
that
the
sell
of
Baobab
(Adansonia
digitata)
leaves
from
a
single
tree
are
worth
20--40$
depending
on
the
size
of
the
crown.
Firewood
sales
generate
revenues
from
6$
to
20$
per
year
in
a
village
(Ara
Safoua)
and
30$
to
120$
in
another
one.
Another
research
from
Sawagado
et
Al.
Showed
that
some
women
in
the
region
could
earn
up
to
210$
of
annual
income
by
selling
the
leaves
from
regenerated
baobabs,
flowers
of
the
kapok
(Ceiba
pentandra)
and
fruit
of
shea
nut
(Vitellaria
paradoxa)
and
locust
bean
(Parkia
biglobosa).
Women
and
their
families
derive
a
host
of
material
benefits
from
this.
Using
their
own
wood
for
cooking
removes
the
need
for
buying
wood
thereby
saving
precious
cash
(USAID
et
al.,
2005),
while
the
surplus
wood
provides
additional
income
in
local
markets
during
the
dry
season.
Women
farmers
use
FMNR
income
to
meet
household
needs,
including
purchasing
food
and
paying
school
fees.
Many
have
also
diversified
their
households'
livelihoods:
some
by
taking
advantage
of
better
soil
fertility
and
water
retention
to
cultivate
cash
crops
such
as
onions,
tomatoes,
sesame,
and
hibiscus;
others
by
using
their
new
earnings
to
invest
in
sheep
and
goats,
which
live
off
of
tree
seedpods
for
six
months
of
the
year
(BBC,
2006;
Reij,
2006).
Notably,
young
men
seeking
urban
jobs
in
Niger
and
neighbouring
countries
have
also
benefitted
from
FMNR,
thanks
to
new
opportunities
to
earn
income
in
an
expanded
and
diversified
rural
economy
(Larwanou
et
al.,
2006).
With
farmers
producing
more
fuelwood
to
supply
urban
areas,
Niger's
shrinking
natural
forests
have
also
been
spared
further
destruction
(Winterbottom,
2008).
RESULTS
Table 1 presents a summary of the impacts of land rehabilitation on the Central Plateau of Burkina Faso and FMNR in Niger (Reij, 2008).
Table 1: Summary of Impact of Land Rehabilitiation
|
Changes
in
the
rural
landscape
have
enabled
hundreds
of
thousands
of
households
living
on
US$2
or
less
a
day
to
diversify
their
livelihoods
and
increase
their
incomes,
thereby
increasing
their
economic
resilience.
They
have
also
played
a
critical
role
in
addressing
chronic
hunger
among
families
at
the
mercy
of
unpredictable
harvests.
FMNR
has
also
had
an
enormously
empowering
effect,
demonstrating
to
hundreds
of
thousands
of
people
that
they
were
not
helpless
hostages
to
poverty
and
a
capricious
climate
(McGahuey,
2008).
Monitoring and evaluation
The
best
testimony
to
the
economic
viability
of
farm--based
natural
resources
management
is
their
sustainable
adoption
by
farming
communities
in
Burkina
Faso
and
Niger.
Much
of
the
early
documentation
on
the
experience
in
Burkina
Faso,
in
particular,
was
recorded
by
field
technicians
and
project
staff
before
recent
advances
in
statistical
approaches
for
assessing
and
attributing
impacts.
Use
of
aerial
photography,
and
the
sheer
breadth
and
longevity
of
this
initiative,
are
evidence
of
its
success.
By
contrast,
the
extent
of
farm--based
management
in
Niger
has
only
recently
been
'discovered'
thanks
to
the
use
of
aerial
photography
and
satellite
imagery.
Page
8
of
11
In
neither
case
were
all
indicators
of
success
measured
with
scientific
rigour;
some
were
based
on
farmers'
statements
and
perceptions,
and
others
may
not
have
been
subject
to
sufficient
controls.
This
is
unavoidable
given
the
range
of
impacts
generated
by
soil,
water,
and
agroforestry
conservation
and
the
challenges
of
measuring
them
on
a
large
geographical
scale
over
three
decades.
The
magnitude
of
the
aggregate
benefits
over
time
(and
in
years
to
come)
is
likely
to
be
good,
especially
when
compared
with
the
public
funds
(donor
and
national)
that
were
spent
to
support
innovations
on
farms,
i.e.
low
investments
are
needed.
Farmers
themselves,
as
well
as
local
and
international
non--governmental
organizations,
bore
a
substantial
share
of
total
investment
costs
(Reij,
Tappan
and
Smale,
2009).
Another
evaluation
problem
rests
with
the
fact
that
there
is
no
standardized
approach
for
preparing
planting
pits,
which
is
one
reason
why
quantifying
their
impacts
is
difficult.
Famers
have
adapted
pits
to
meet
their
own
needs
(Hien
and
Ouedraogo,
2001).
The
number
of
pits
per
hectare
and
the
pit
dimensions
vary,
as
does
the
volume
of
organic
matter
transferred
to
planting
pits.
For
specific
evaluations
and
more
information,
please
refer
to
some
of
the
documents
listed
in
the
bibliography.
CONCLUSION
Pits and contour stone bund techniques
The
major
disadvantage
of
planting
pits
is
that
they
are
labour
intensive.
Farmers
must
have
access
to
family
members
or
hired
labour
to
dig
compost
pits,
and
to
fill
and
maintain
pits
from
year
to
year.
The
labour
investment
required
for
pits
and
contour
stone
bunds
is
high,
especially
when
both
techniques
are
combined.
Practice
shows
that
richer
farmers
are
able
to
hire
labourers
to
rehabilitate
land,
which
is
likely
to
contribute
to
growing
inequality.
Small
farmers
are
only
able
to
rehabilitate
the
land
to
which
they
have
access
in
incremental
steps
(Reij,
2009).
FMNR technique
Potentially
negative
impacts
of
FMNR
include
an
increase
in
pests,
such
as
birds
that
cause
damage
to
crops,
competition
between
trees
and
crops
for
nutrients
and
sunlight.
For
example,
in
one
village
in
the
Maradi
region
(Dan
Saga)
in
2007,
as
on--farm
tree
densities
had
increased
considerably,
villagers
began
cutting
trees
to
reduce
their
density
and
generate
income
from
firewood.
Land property rights
In
farmer--managed
natural
regeneration
projects
in
southern
Niger,
guaranteeing
land
access
rights
of
farmers
involved
in
tree
regeneration
projects
has
been
crucial
(Larwanou,
Abdoulaye
and
Reij,
2006)
to
ensure
sound
management
of
the
dryland
ecosystem.
When
the
farmer--managed
natural
regeneration
project
was
first
developed,
farmers
did
not
own
the
trees
on
their
own
land.
"There
was
no
incentive
to
protect
trees
and
much
of
the
destruction
of
that
era
was
linked
to
this
policy",
notes
Tony
Rinaudo.
Indeed,
"the
tradition
of
free
access
to
trees
on
anybody's
property
and
a
code
of
silence
protecting
those
who
cut
down
trees
made
it
difficult
to
promote
FMNR.
It
was
considered
anti--social
to
expose
anybody
who
had
felled
trees.
This
tradition
was
hard
to
break
and
those
who
left
trees
were
often
discouraged
when
their
trees
were
taken
by
others.
This
situation
was
successfully
addressed
through
advocacy,
creation
of
local
by--laws
and
support
from
village
and
district
chiefs
in
administering
justice.
Gradually,
people
accepted
that
there
was
no
difference
between
stealing
from
someone's
farm
and
stealing
from
within
someone's
house".
After
discussions
with
the
head
of
the
Maradi
Forestry
Department,
project
staff
were
able
to
give
assurances
that
if
farmers
cared
for
the
trees
on
their
land
they
would
be
allowed
to
reap
the
benefits
without
fear
of
being
fined.
These
laws
came
into
effect
in
2004
at
national
level
after
much
negotiation
by
bodies
such
as
USAID.
Farmers
began
to
access
markets
with
greater
ease.
As
trees
on
farms
switched
from
being
nuisance
weeds
to
becoming
cash
crops
in
their
own
right,
this
provided
good
incentives
for
farmers
to
cultivate
them.
Over
time,
locally
agreed
upon
codes
and
rules
were
established
with
support
from
village
and
district
chiefs.
Without
this
consensus
and
support
for
the
protection
of
private
property,
it
is
unlikely
that
FMNR
would
have
spread
as
fast
as
it
did
(Rinaudo,
2008).
National
policies
put
in
place
also
provided
incentives
for
change
by
involving
more
rural
people
in
development
activities
and
informing
them
about
the
ecological
crisis
(Bretaudeau,McGahuey
and
Lewis,
personal
communication,
July
2009).
Scaling
up
of
FMNR
requires
forestry
legislation
that
gives
farmers
an
exclusive
right
to
the
trees
on
their
cultivated
fields.
Equally
important
in
creating
the
incentive
for
change
is
the
transfer
of
land
rights
and
authority
to
local
communities
and
letting
them
control
access
to
and
use
of
natural
resources.
But
there
are
new
challenges.
Where
tree
regeneration
is
widely
practiced,
community
and
local
governments
need
to
act
to
resolve
conflicts
over
access
to
natural
resources
and
property
rights
to
formerly
abandoned
land
that
has
been
restored
(Winterbottom,
2008).
In
particular,
the
rights
of
the
more
vulnerable—nomadic
herders,
the
landless
and
women—to
equitably
gain
access
to
the
benefits
of
FMNR
need
to
be
strengthened
(Tougiani
et
al.,
2008).
Another
issue
is
the
risk
that
herders
may
lose
out
because
the
number
of
cattle
entrusted
to
them
by
the
farmers
appears
to
have
decreased.
Farmers
now
prefer
to
keep
cattle
close
to
their
compounds
so
that
they
have
ready
access
to
livestock
manure.
On
the
other
hand,
herders
can
now
sell
manure
to
the
farmers
for
cash
(Reij,
2009).
According
to
natural
resource
management
experts,
in
an
ecologically
vulnerable
region
where
the
prevalence
and
occurrence
of
drought
are
likely
to
increase
as
a
result
of
climate
change,
Niger's
tree
regeneration
movement
offers
a
proven
path
to
greater
environmental
and
economic
resilience
and
increased
food
security
for
the
inhabitants
of
Africa's
drylands
(Harris,
2007;
IPCC,
2007).
Page
9
of
11
Given
the
rapid
rate
of
population
growth
in
the
region
and
the
expected
impacts
of
climate
change,
FMNR
alone
will
not
be
sufficient
for
Niger—or
indeed
other
Sahelian
countries—to
stay
ahead
of
the
food
and
livelihood
needs
of
their
people
(McGahuey,
2008).
Indeed,
even
though
FMNR
is
used
widely
today,
fifty
percent
of
Niger's
children
remain
undernourished
(INS
and
Macro
International
Inc.,
2007).
Nonetheless,
it
remains
an
important
tool
to
increase
productivity
for
land--poor
farmers
and
has
already
proved
its
capacity
to
provide
them
with
diverse
and
sustainable
rural
livelihoods
and
economies
(WRI,
2008).
FMNR
has
several
advantages
which
make
it
replicable:
it
is
cheap,
it
produces
firewood
and
fodder
quite
quickly,
it
is
simple
to
implement—no
experts
are
needed,
it
can
be
scaled
up
quite
quickly
and
the
protection
and
management
of
trees
are
the
responsibility
of
farmers,
which
means
there
are
no
recurrent
costs
to
governments.
FMNR
is
not
only
practiced
in
Niger,
but
also
in
Mali,
Burkina
Faso
and
Senegal.
A
growing
number
of
organizations
are
trying
to
expand
farmer--led
re--greening
to
different
countries
in
and
outside
Africa
(Ethiopia,
Chad,
Tanzania,
Myanmar,
Indonesia,
etc.).
FOOTNOTES
1 This
document
has
been
prepared,
based
on
case
studies
carried
out
by
the
World
Resources
Institute
(WRI)
and
Chris
Reij,
Gray
Tappan
and
Melinda
Smale
for
the
International
Food
Policy
Research
Institute
(IFPRI),
supported
by
a
Consultative
Group
on
International
Agriculture
Research
(CGIAR),
for
the
project
"Millions
Fed:
Proven
Successes
in
Agricultural
Development".
WRI
works
with
business
partners,
governments
and
civil
society
to
tackle
today's
most
urgent
environmental
challenges
(more
on
www.wri.org).
IFPRI
seeks
sustainable
solutions
to
end
hunger
and
poverty.
IFPRI
is
one
of
15
centres
supported
by
the
Consultative
Group
on
International
Agricultural
Research
(CGIAR),
an
alliance
of
64
governments,
private
foundations,
and
international
and
regional
organizations
(more on the IFPRI web site).
2 One
reason
among
others
is
the
introduction
of
per
capita
taxes.
3 Read
Marchal
(1985)
to
understand
the
sociological
factors
leading
to
that.
4 Ibid.
5 Loi n°2004-
Fixant
le
régime
forestier
au
Niger.
Among
other
things
it
is
interesting
to
note
that
regeneration
is
an
obligation
according
to
this
law
(art.2).
MAIN REFERENCES
Reij
C.,
Tappan
G.,
Smale
M.
"Agroenvironmental
Transformation
in
the
Sahel.
Another
Kind
of
'Green
Revolution'",
November
2009,
IFPRI
Discussion
Paper
00914,
2020
Vision
Initiative.
WRI.
2008.
Roots of resilience (Chapter 3).
REFERENCES
Amoukou,
A.I.2006.
Impacts
des
Investissements
dans
la
Gestion
des
Ressources
Naturelles
sur
les
Systèmes
de
Production
dans
les
Régions
de
Maradi,
Tahoua
et
Tillabery
au
Niger.
Report
part
of
Etudes
Saheliennes,
Papers
presented
at
Conference
of
Study
Results
of
Natural
Resource
Management
Investments
from
1980
to
2005
in
Niger,
Sept.
20–21.
Comité
Permanent
Inter--Etats
de
Lutte
Contre
La
Sécheresse
Dans
le
Sahel.
Boubacar,
Y.,
M.
Larwanou,
A.
Hassane,
C.
Reij
and
International
Resources
Group.
2005.
Niger Study: Sahel Pilot Study Report.
Washington,
DC:
United
States
Agency
for
International
Development.
Haggblade,
S.
and
P.
Hazell,
(eds).
2009.
Successes
in
African
agriculture:
Lessons
for
the
future.
Baltimore,
Md.,
U.S.A.:
Johns
Hopkins
University
Press.
Hien,
F.
and
A.
Ouedraogo.
2001.
Joint
analysis
of
the
sustainability
of
a
local
SWC
technique
in
Burkina
Faso.
In:
Farmer
innovation
in
Africa:
A
source
of
inspiration
for
agricultural
development,,
ed.
C.
Reij
and
A.
Waters--Bayer.
London:
Earthscan.
IPCC
(Intergovernmental
Panel
on
Climate
Change).
2007.
Fourth Assessment Report: Working Group II Report on Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability.
Geneva:
IPCC.
Kaboré,
P.D.
and
C.
Reij.
2004.
The
emergence
and
spreading
of
an
improved
traditional
soil
and
water
conservation
practice
in
Burkina
Faso.
Environment
and
Production
Technology
Division
Discussion
Paper
114.
Washington,
D.C.:
International
Food
Policy
Research
Institute.
Larwanou,
M.,
M.
Abdoulaye
and
C.
Reij.
2006.
Etude
de
la
régénération
naturelle
assistée
dans
la
Région
de
Zinder
(Niger):
Une
première
exploration
d'un
phénomène
spectaculaire.
Washington,
D.C.:
International
Resources
Group
for
the
U.S.
Agency
for
International
Development.
McGahuey,
M.
2008.
Environment
and
Natural
Resource
Management
Advisor.
USAID,
Washington,
DC.
Personal
Communication.
Jan.
14
and
16,
Feb.
11
and
19.
McGahuey,
M.
and
R.
Winterbottom.
2007.
Transformational Development in Niger. PowerPoint. Jan.
Ouedraogo,
A.
and
H.
Sawadogo.
2001.
Three
models
of
extension
by
farmer
innovators
in
Burkina
Faso.
In:
Farmer
innovation
in
Africa:
A
source
of
inspiration
for
agricultural
development,
ed.
C.
Reij
and
A.
Wayers--Bayer.
London:
Earthscan.
Reij,
C.
2006.
More Success Stories in Africa's Drylands than Often Assumed.
Notes
presented
at
Forum
sur
la
Souveraineté
Alimentaire,
Niamey,
Nov.
7–10.
Niamey,
Niger:
Réseau
des
Organisations
Paysannes
et
de
Producteurs
Agricoles
de
L'Afrique
de
L'Ouest.
Reij,
C.
and
D.
Steeds.
2003.
Success
stories
in
Africa's
drylands:
Supporting
advocates
and
answering
skeptics.
Paper
commissioned
by
the
Global
Mechanism
of
the
Convention
to
Combat
Desertification.
Vrije
University
and
Centre
for
International
Cooperation,
Amsterdam,
the
Netherlands.
Reij,
C.
and
E.
M.
A.
Smaling.
2007.
Analyzing
successes
in
agriculture
and
land
management
in
Sub--Saharan
Africa:
Is
macro--level
gloom
obscuring
positive
micro--level
change?
Land
Use
Policy
25:
410–420.
Reij,
C.
and
T.
Thiombiano.
2003.
Développement
rural
et
environnement
au
Burkina
Faso:
La
réhabilitation
de
la
capacité
productive
des
terroirs
sur
la
partie
nord
du
Plateau
Central
entre
1980
et
2001.
Ouagadougou,
Burkina
Faso:
Ambassade
des
Pays--Bas,
German
Agency
for
Technical
Cooperation--PATECORE,
and
U.S.
Agency
for
International
Development.
Reij,
C.,
G.
Tappan
and
A.
Belemvire.
2005.
Changing
land
management
practices
and
vegetation
in
the
Central
Plateau
of
Burkina
Faso
(1968–2002).
Journal
of
Arid
Environments
63
(3):
642–659.
Rinaudo
T.
2005.
Economic Benefits of Farmer-Managed Natural Regeneration.
FRAME
Web
site
post.
Sep.
27.
Washington,
DC:
FRAME
Community,
United
States
Agency
for
International
Development.
Rinaudo,
T.
2005.
Uncovering the Underground Forest: A Short History and Description of Farmer Managed Natural Regeneration.
Melbourne,
Australia:
World
Vision.
Tougiani,
A.,
C.
Guero
and
T.
Rinaudo.
2008.
"Success
in
Improving
Livelihoods
Through
Tree
Crop
Management
and
Use
in
Niger."
To
be
published
in
GeoJournal.
The
Netherlands:
Springer
Publishing.
Toumieux,
E.
2005.
Trip
Report
to
Niger.
Thies,
Senegal:
World
Vision
Senegal.
USAID
(United
States
Agency
for
International
Development),
Comité
Permanent
Inter--Etats
de
Lutte
Contre
La
Sécheresse
Dans
le
Sahel
and
International
Resources
Group.
2005.
Investing
in
Tomorrow's
Forests
:
Toward
an
Action
Agenda
for
Revitalizing
Forestry
in
West
Africa.
Washington,
DC:
USAID.
Wentling,
M.
2008.
Niger—Annual
food
security
report
and
future
prospects.
Niamey,
Niger:
U.S.
Agency
for
International
Development.
Wentling,
M.
2008b.
Niger—Annual
Food
Security
Report:
Current
Situation
and
Future
Prospects.
Niamey,
Niger:
United
States
Agency
for
International
Development
Niger.
Recommended videos
Rinaudo's didactical explanations of FMNR:
Farmer
Managed
Natural
Regeneration
(FMNR):
A
good
news
story
for
a
deforested
and
degraded
world
(World Vision Australia, 2008).
FMNR
in
Niger
(Part
1,
1990).
FMNR
in
Niger
(Part
2,
1990).
BBC
(British
Broadcasting
Corporation).
2006.
Villages
on
the
Front
Line:
Niger.
Video.
London:
BBC.
ABOUT ELAN:
The
Ecosystem & Livelihoods Adaptation Network (ELAN)>
is
enhancing
poor
and
marginalized
people's
resilience
to
the
impacts
of
climate
change
by
integrating
ecosystem
and
rights--based
approaches
into
adaptation
policies
and
practices.
It
is
a
global
network
working
to
enhance
poor
and
marginalized
people's
resilience
to
the
impacts
of
climate
change.
To
do
so,
ELAN
promotes
an
integrated
approach
to
adaptation,
defined
as
adaptation
planning
and
action
that
adheres
both
to
human
rights--based
principles
and
principles
of
ecosystem
sustainability,
recognizing
their
co--
dependent
roles
in
successfully
managing
climate
variability
and
long--term
change.
ELAN
has
developed
a
series
of
case
studies
on
adaptation
practices
whose
design
and
implementation
approximate
aspects
of
this
integrated
approach.
The
ELAN
case
studies
showcase
how
nature--based
adaptation
can
offer
benefits
to
communities.
They
also
demonstrate
the
complexity
of
pursuing
a
truly
integrated
approach
to
climate
change
adaptation
and
highlight
elements
of
adaptation
projects
that
lend
themselves
to
an
integrated
approach.
It
is
our
aim
that
this
enhanced
understanding
of
an
integrated
approach
may
contribute
to
learning,
knowledge
exchange
and
capacity
building,
and
in
particular
help
practitioners
to
design
and
implement
future
adaptation
projects
that
enhance
poor
and
marginalized
populations'
capacity
to
adapt.
The
research
process
consisted
of
examination
of
hundreds
of
projects
and
consultation
with
a
diverse
range
of
project
managers.
The
selected
ELAN
case
studies
constitute
the
best
available
practices
and
approaches
of
projects
that
combine
nature--based
solutions
with
community
benefits.
Case
studies
represent
a
broad
geographic
scope
and
ecosystems.
They
are
drawn
from
Africa,
Latin
America
and
Asia.
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